Adapted, by permission, from Israel Yeivin, Introduction to the Tiberian Masorah, translated and edited by E. J. Revell. Copyright © 1980 by the Society of Biblical Literature.
The names “heavy gaʿya” and “light gaʿya” (געיה כבדה and געיה קלה) for the two basic categories of musical gaʿya were introduced by Yequtiʾel ha-Naqdan, and were, as Dotan has remarked, an unfortunate innovation. Dotan, in his edition of the Diqduqe ha-Ṭeʿamim uses the terms “small gaʿya” and “great gaʿya” (געיה קטנה and געיה גדולה), terms which are used in the Masorah. These terms are not appropriate either, for although in the Masorah the term “small gaʿya” is used for gaʿya on a closed syllable, it may also include gaʿya on an open syllable, and it seems quite likely that the term “great gaʿya” in the Masorah refers to an accent. For this reason the descriptive names “gaʿya on a closed syllable” and “gaʿya on an open syllable” are used here.
Regular Structure. A word like מִתְקַטְּלִים is said to have regular structure because it has:
מִתְ | a closed syllable with a short vowel |
קַט | a “buffer” syllable |
טְּלִים | a stress syllable starting with a vocal shewa (notated as simple shewa or ḥaṭef shewa) |
In words of regular structure, the initial closed syllable generally has gaʿya if the word has a disjunctive accent. E.g.:
נִֽתְחַכְּמָ֖ה | נִֽתְ | חַכ | כְּמָ֖ה |
The table below further describes the pattern we have been discussing so far, exemplified by the prototype word מִתְקַטְּלִים. The table also describes two variations on that pattern. Words matching either of those two additional patterns are also said to have regular structure.
patt. | buffer syllable is short-vowelled and ... | vocal shewa letter ... |
---|---|---|
FR1 | closed implicitly (by a dagesh ḥazaq) | is a non-guttural with either notation for shewa |
FR2 | closed explicitly | is a non-guttural with either notation for shewa or is a guttural with ḥaṭef shewa |
FR3 | open | is a guttural with ḥaṭef shewa |
(Above, when we say that a vocal shewa letter is a non-guttural with either notation for shewa, we mean that the shewa is notated as a simple shewa in the vast majority of cases and notated as a ḥaṭef shewa in the remaining tiny minority of cases.)
The table below shows prototype words for all three patterns. It also shows one concrete example of each of them. Each concrete example has a disjunctive accent, and in each example, the initial closed syllable has gaʿya, as is generally the case when such a word has a disjunctive accent.
FR1 prototype | מִתְקַטְּלִים | מִתְ | קַט | טְּלִים |
נִֽתְחַכְּמָ֖ה | נִֽתְ | חַכ | כְּמָ֖ה | |
FR2 prototype | מִתְפַּלְפְּלִים | מִתְ | פַּלְ | פְּלִים |
הַֽכַּרְמְלִֽי׃ | הַֽכ | כַּרְ | מְלִֽי׃ | |
FR3 prototype | מִתְפַּעֲלִים | מִתְ | פַּ | עֲלִים |
מִֽשְׁתַּחֲוִ֖ים | מִֽשְׁ | תַּ | חֲוִ֖ים |
Further examples of all three patterns are shown in the three tables below.
וַֽיְלַמְּדָ֖הּ | וַֽיְ | לַמ | מְּדָ֖הּ | ||
מִֽצִּדְּךָ֙ | מִֽצ | צִּד | דְּךָ֙ | ||
וּֽנְתַקְּנ֔וּהוּ | וּֽנְ | תַק | קְּנ֔וּ | הוּ | φ1 |
אֶֽת־לִבְּךָ֛ | אֶֽת־ | לִב | בְּךָ֛ |
וַֽיִּשְׂטְמֻ֖הוּ | וַֽי | יִּשְׂ | טְמֻ֖ | הוּ | |
הַֽמִּשְׁפְּתָֽיִם׃ | הַֽמ | מִּשְׁ | פְּתָֽ | יִם׃ | |
מִֽקַּבְצְאֵ֑ל | מִֽק | קַּבְ | צְאֵ֑ל | ||
מִֽזַּרְעֲךָ֞ | מִֽז | זַּרְ | עֲךָ֞ | φ2 | |
וּֽלְכׇל־מְלֶ֖אכֶת | וּֽלְ | כׇל־ | מְלֶ֖א | כֶת | φ3 |
עַֽל־כׇּל־פְּנֵ֖י | עַֽל־ | כׇּל־ | פְּנֵ֖י | ||
אֶֽת־בַּת־בְּנָ֞הּ | אֶֽת־ | בַּת־ | בְּנָ֞הּ | ||
בִּֽנְהַר־כְּבָֽר׃ | בִּֽנְ | הַר־ | כְּבָֽר׃ |
לִֽמְנַאֲצַ֔י | לִֽמְ | נַ | אֲצַ֔י | |
וַֽתַּעֲמֹ֛דְנָה | וַֽת | תַּ | עֲמֹ֛דְ | נָה |
מִֽדַּהֲר֖וֹת | מִֽד | דַּ | הֲר֖וֹת | |
וַֽתַּעֲלִ֗י | וַֽת | תַּ | עֲלִ֗י | |
אֶֽת־הַחֲנִית֙ | אֶֽת־ | הַ | חֲנִית֙ |
This category of gaʿya is mentioned in the Diqduqe ha-Ṭeʿamim (Dotan 1967, section 15). An expanded statement is given in the Qunṭrese ha-Masorah, as indicated in the notes there, and in Yeivin, 1968, p. 96.
Footnotes for this section:
φ1 Note that here in וּֽנְתַקְּנ֔וּהוּ and elsewhere, ITM treats an initial shureq as if it started a closed syllable with a short vowel. Also, contrast with phonetic rather than musical gaʿya on initial shureq in #349.
φ2 I added the example מִֽזַּרְעֲךָ֞ . It is not present in ITM. I added it so that the ḥaṭef case is represented.
φ3 Note that here in וּֽלְכׇל־מְלֶ֖אכֶת and elsewhere, ITM treats an initial shureq as if it started a closed syllable with a short vowel. Also, contrast with phonetic rather than musical gaʿya on initial shureq in #349.
Biblical references in this section: נִֽתְחַכְּמָ֖ה Ex 1:10, הַֽכַּרְמְלִֽי׃ 1S 30:5, מִֽשְׁתַּחֲוִ֖ים Gen 37:9, וַֽיְלַמְּדָ֖הּ Dt 31:22, מִֽצִּדְּךָ֙ Ez 4:8, וּֽנְתַקְּנ֔וּהוּ Jud 20:32, אֶֽת־לִבְּךָ֛ 1S 9:20, וַֽיִּשְׂטְמֻ֖הוּ Gen 49:23, הַֽמִּשְׁפְּתָֽיִם׃ Gen 49:14, מִֽקַּבְצְאֵ֑ל 2S 23:20, מִֽזַּרְעֲךָ֞ Lev 21:17, וּֽלְכׇל־מְלֶ֖אכֶת 1C 28:13, עַֽל־כׇּל־פְּנֵ֖י 1C 5:10, אֶֽת־בַּת־בְּנָ֞הּ Lev 18:17, בִּֽנְהַר־כְּבָֽר׃ Ez 10:15, לִֽמְנַאֲצַ֔י Jer 23:17, וַֽתַּעֲמֹ֛דְנָה Gen 41:3 and Neḥ 12:40, מִֽדַּהֲר֖וֹת Jud 5:22, וַֽתַּעֲלִ֗י Is 57:8, אֶֽת־הַחֲנִית֙ 2K 11:10 and elsewhere.
Words of the three patterns described in #319 are said to have a structure that is not just regular but fully regular. As mentioned above, if a word of this structure has a disjunctive accent, gaʿya is generally marked, but if the accent is conjunctive, gaʿya is generally not marked. This general rule holds good in about 90% of the cases but there are exceptions. (φ1) In a few dozen cases the accent is disjunctive, but gaʿya is not marked. (φ2) E.g.:
מִן־הַשְּׁבִי֙ | מִן־ | הַש | שְּׁבִי֙ | FR1 | |
וְאֶת־הַתְּכֵ֖לֶת | וְאֶת־ | הַת | תְּכֵ֖ | לֶת | FR1 |
וַיֶּאֱהַב֙ | וַי | יֶּ | אֱהַב֙ | FR3 | |
וַיֶּאֱחֹ֞ז | וַי | יֶּ | אֱחֹ֞ז | FR3 | |
וְאֶת־הַ֠חֲזִ֠יר | וְאֶת־ | הַ֠ | חֲזִ֠יר | FR3 |
Conversely, there are about 200 cases in which the accent is conjunctive, but gaʿya is nevertheless marked. (φ3) E.g.:
יִֽטַּמְּא֣וּ | יִֽט | טַּמ | מְּא֣וּ | FR1 | |
וַיִּֽתְקַדְּשׁ֥וּ | וַי | יִּֽתְ | קַד | דְּשׁ֥וּ | FR1 |
וַֽיִּמְצְא֥וּ | וַֽי | יִּמְ | צְא֥וּ | FR2 | |
אַֽל־תִּשְׂמְחִ֤י | אַֽל־ | תִּשְׂ | מְחִ֤י | FR2 | |
אֶֽת־מַעְבְּר֤וֹת | אֶֽת־ | מַעְ | בְּר֤וֹת | FR2 | |
אֶֽת־כׇּל־דְּגֵ֥י | אֶֽת־ | כׇּל־ | דְּגֵ֥י | FR2 | |
וְעַֽל־כׇּל־עֲדַ֥ת | וְעַֽל־ | כׇּל־ | עֲדַ֥ת | FR2 |
Footnotes for this section:
φ1 My research agrees almost exactly with this estimate of 90%. I find 3,591 fully regular words, of which 355 (9.9%) are exceptions to the rule, breaking down as follows:
φ3 My research agrees, roughly, with this estimate of 200. I find 222 conjunctives with the expected gaʿya of a disjunctive. I find about 28% of FR1 conjunctives to have this gaʿya, about 20% of FR2 conjunctives to have it, and only about 7% of FR3 conjunctives to have it.
Biblical references in this section: מִן־הַשְּׁבִי֙ Neḥ 1:3, וְאֶת־הַתְּכֵ֖לֶת Ex 28:5, וַיֶּאֱהַב֙ Gen 34:3, וַיֶּאֱחֹ֞ז Jud 16:3, וְאֶת־הַ֠חֲזִ֠יר Lev 11:7 and Dt 14:8, יִֽטַּמְּא֣וּ Ez 37:23, וַיִּֽתְקַדְּשׁ֥וּ 2C 30:24, וַֽיִּמְצְא֥וּ Gen 11:2, אַֽל־תִּשְׂמְחִ֤י Is 14:29 and Mi 7:8, אֶֽת־מַעְבְּר֤וֹת Jud 3:28, אֶֽת־כׇּל־דְּגֵ֥י Nu 11:22, וְעַֽל־כׇּל־עֲדַ֥ת Jos 22:20.
These exceptions are one of the major subjects of variation between ben Asher and ben Naftali; and indeed of marginal notes on variants in general. E.g.:
וַיֶּחֱזַק֙ | bN has gaʿya |
מִן־הַשְּׁתִ֖י | ↑ φ1 |
וַיֶּאֱהַ֖ל | bA and bN agree on lack of gaʿya |
אֶל־מֶחֱזָ֖ה | ↑ |
(In this and many tables that follow, we use an upwards arrow (↑) to mean “same as the cell above.”)
הִתְיַצְּב֣וּ | bN has gaʿya |
הַֽנִּבְּאִ֥ים | bN has no gaʿya |
וַֽיַּחֲנ֧וּ | bA and bN agree on presence of gaʿya |
וַיִּרְדְּפ֤וּ | bA and bN agree on lack of gaʿya |
Below is a table showing the syllable structure of the examples used in the two tables above.
וַיֶּחֱזַק֙ | וַי | יֶּ | חֱזַק֙ | FR3 |
מִן־הַשְּׁתִ֖י | מִן־ | הַש | שְּׁתִ֖י | FR1 |
וַיֶּאֱהַ֖ל | וַי | יֶּ | אֱהַ֖ל | FR3 |
אֶל־מֶחֱזָ֖ה | אֶל־ | מֶ | חֱזָ֖ה | FR3 |
הִתְיַצְּב֣וּ | הִתְ | יַצ | צְּב֣וּ | FR1 |
הַֽנִּבְּאִ֥ים | הַֽנ | נִּב | בְּאִ֥ים | FR1 |
וַֽיַּחֲנ֧וּ | וַֽי | יַּ | חֲנ֧וּ | FR3 |
וַיִּרְדְּפ֤וּ | וַי | יִּרְ | דְּפ֤וּ | FR2 |
Footnote for this section:
φ1 Here ITM has pashṭa; I have ṭifḥa, i.e. ITM has מִן־הַשְּׁתִי֙ . This seems like an error in ITM, but fortunately it is irrelevant to the point at hand, since both accents are disjunctive.
Biblical references in this section: וַיֶּחֱזַק֙ Ex 7:13 and Ex 9:35, מִן־הַשְּׁתִ֖י Lev 13:56, וַיֶּאֱהַ֖ל Gen 13:12, אֶל־מֶחֱזָ֖ה 1K 7:4 and 1K 7:5, הִתְיַצְּב֣וּ 2C 20:17, הַֽנִּבְּאִ֥ים Jer 27:15, וַֽיַּחֲנ֧וּ 1K 20:29, וַיִּרְדְּפ֤וּ 2K 25:5.
Words with patterns similar to those described in #319, but showing slight differences in structure, are still considered to have regular structure, though their structure is not fully regular. We refer to such words’ structure as “almost fully regular” (AFR). Words in this category show slightly less tendency to use gaʿya than words with fully regular structure. (φ1) The following four patterns are included in this category:
AFR1: Words of this pattern would conform to FR1 or FR3 if their buffer syllable did not have a vocal shewa. (φ2) E.g.:
אֲשֶֽׁר־תְּבַשְּׁלוּ֙ | אֲשֶֽׁר־ | תְּבַש | שְּׁלוּ֙ | ≈FR1 |
הַֽכְּנַעֲנִ֑ית | הַֽכ | כְּנַ | עֲנִ֑ית | ≈FR3 |
(We now see that in words of fully regular structure, the buffer syllable must not have a vocal shewa.)
AFR2: Words of this pattern would conform to FR3 if their buffer syllable did not have a long vowel, such as qameṣ. (Recall that the buffer syllable of FR3 is constrained to have a short vowel.) Examples of pattern AFR2 include the following:
qameṣ | וַיִּֽלָּחֲמ֖וּ | וַי | יִּֽל | לָּ | חֲמ֖וּ | |
qameṣ | וּֽנְשָׂאֲךָ֖ | וּֽנְ | שָׂ | אֲךָ֖ | ||
qameṣ | וַיִּֽתְגָּעֲשׁ֖וּ | וַי | יִּֽתְ | גָּ | עֲשׁ֖וּ | |
qameṣ | אֶֽת־הָאֲרִ֛י | אֶֽת־ | הָ | אֲרִ֛י | ||
ṣere | אֲשַֽׁלֵּחֲךָ֔ | אֲשַֽׁל | לֵּ | חֲךָ֔ | ||
ḥolem | וּֽזְרֹעֲךָ֖ | וּֽזְ | רֹ | עֲךָ֖ | ||
ḥolem | מִֽגֹּאֲלֵ֖נוּ | מִֽג | גֹּ | אֲלֵ֖ | נוּ | |
ḥolem | אֶֽת־מֹעֲדֵ֖י | אֶֽת־ | מֹ | עֲדֵ֖י |
Words of pattern AFR2 like הַפּוֹעֲלִים (as הַכֹּהֲנִים, הַשֹּׁעֲרִים, etc.) usually do not have gaʿya and in general the number of exceptions to the rule in words of this pattern is much greater than among words with fully regular structure.
AFR3: Words of this pattern have:
An example of this pattern is מִתְבָּרְכִים. In words of this pattern, gaʿya is generally not marked. There are, however, a few exceptions. E.g.:
וַֽיְבָרְכֵ֖ם | וַֽיְ | בָ | רְכֵ֖ם | φ3 |
בִּֽלְבָבְךָ֖ | בִּֽלְ | בָ | בְךָ֖ | |
לִֽרְצֹנְכֶ֖ם | לִֽרְ | צֹ | נְכֶ֖ם | |
וּֽבְשָׂרְךָ֖ | וּֽבְ | שָׂ | רְךָ֖ |
AFR4: Words of this pattern have: (φ4)
If the buffer syllable has a short vowel, gaʿya is marked as in words with fully regular structure. E.g.:
וַֽיְהַלְל֖וּ | וַֽיְ | הַ | לְל֖וּ |
יִֽתְפַּלְל֖וּ | יִֽתְ | פַּ | לְל֖וּ |
(Technically, the definition of FR3 overlaps with the definition of AFR4. But, in practice, no words exist that satisfy both definitions, so this is not a problem.)
If the buffer syllable has a long vowel, the marking of gaʿya follows the rules given for AFR2 above. E.g.:
הִֽתְקוֹשְׁשׁ֖וּ | הִֽתְ | קוֹ | שְׁשׁ֖וּ | ||
וַֽיְכֹנְנֶֽךָ׃ | וַֽיְ | כֹ | נְנֶֽ | ךָ׃ | |
הִֽתְרֹעֲעָ֖ה | הִֽתְ | רֹ | עֲעָ֖ה | φ5 |
(The definitions given above for AFR2 and AFR3 overlap with the definition of AFR4. We can solve this problem by adding that the letter bearing the vocal shewa of AFR2 and AFR3 cannot be the first of an identical pair.)
The following table summarizes all this.
patt. | buffer syllable is ... | vocal shewa letter ... |
---|---|---|
FR1 | closed implicitly short-vowelled | is a non-guttural with either notation for shewa |
FR2 | closed explicitly short-vowelled | is a non-guttural with either notation for shewa or is a guttural with ḥaṭef shewa |
FR3 | open short-vowelled | is a guttural with ḥaṭef shewa |
AFR1 | like FR1 or FR3 but preceded by vocal shewa | like FR1 or FR3 |
AFR2 | open long-vowelled | is a guttural with ḥaṭef shewa is not the FIP |
AFR3 | open long-vowelled | is a non-guttural with simple shewa is not the FIP |
AFR4 | open | is the FIP |
(Above, “FIP” stands for “first [of an] identical pair [of letters].”)
(Above, when we say that a vocal shewa letter is a non-guttural with either notation for shewa, we mean that the shewa is notated as a simple shewa in the vast majority of cases and notated as a ḥaṭef shewa in the remaining tiny minority of cases.)
Footnotes for this section:
φ2 Here, unlike ITM, I explicitly restrict AFR1 to be like FR1 or FR3. This is only implied by ITM by its choice of examples. This restriction is also supported by my research into the issue. I find that if we let AFR1 include words like FR2, we would “explain” only a single gaʿya, that in אֶֽל־נְהַר־כְּבָר֙. What’s more, I find that gaʿya to be an outlier: if we let AFR1 include words like FR2, that would add 16 disjunctively-accented AFR1 words without such a gaʿya, including אֶל־נְהַר־כְּבָ֑ר , a chanted word differing only by accent from that one “poster child.” Although ITM includes AFR3 in the “almost fully regular” patterns, and gaʿya is rarely marked on AFR3 words, I see no reason to “pollute” AFR1 with words whose structure is like that of FR2.
φ3 In ITM, this example, וַֽיְבָרְכֵ֖ם , is listed in AFR4. It doesn’t make sense to me there in AFR4.
φ5 I added the example הִֽתְרֹעֲעָ֖ה . It is not present in ITM. I added it so that case of two identical gutturals is represented.
Biblical references in this section: אֲשֶֽׁר־תְּבַשְּׁלוּ֙ Ex 16:23, הַֽכְּנַעֲנִ֑ית 1C 2:3, וַיִּֽלָּחֲמ֖וּ Jos 10:36 and elsewhere, וּֽנְשָׂאֲךָ֖ 2K 14:10, וַיִּֽתְגָּעֲשׁ֖וּ 2S 22:8, אֶֽת־הָאֲרִ֛י 1S 17:36 and elsewhere, אֲשַֽׁלֵּחֲךָ֔ Gen 32:27, וּֽזְרֹעֲךָ֖ 1K 8:42 and Ez 4:7, מִֽגֹּאֲלֵ֖נוּ Rut 2:20, אֶֽת־מֹעֲדֵ֖י Lev 23:44, וַֽיְבָרְכֵ֖ם Jos 22:6, בִּֽלְבָבְךָ֖ Dt 30:14 and elsewhere, לִֽרְצֹנְכֶ֖ם Lev 19:5 and elsewhere, וּֽבְשָׂרְךָ֖ 2S 5:1 and 1C 11:1, וַֽיְהַלְל֖וּ Jud 16:24, יִֽתְפַּלְל֖וּ 1K 8:30, הִֽתְקוֹשְׁשׁ֖וּ Zeph 2:1, וַֽיְכֹנְנֶֽךָ׃ Dt 32:6, הִֽתְרֹעֲעָ֖ה Is 24:19, אֶֽל־נְהַר־כְּבָר֙ Ez 3:15, אֶל־נְהַר־כְּבָ֑ר Ez 43:3.
Gaʿya is sometimes marked on a closed syllable in a single word having both of the following two irregularities:
(While this structure is non-regular, it is close enough to regular that we mention it here rather than in the next section, which covers cases where gaʿya is marked on a closed syllable in more arbitrarily non-regular words.)
Words of this “buffer could have gaʿya, no vocal shewa” category include the following two sub-categories:
1) Words of a closed syllable followed by some form from the root היה or חיה which could have gaʿya on the first syllable (#355), as אִם־יִהְיֶ֞ה — bN has אִֽם־ .
2) Words with a buffer syllable marked with gaʿya and closed by a guttural (#354). E.g.:
וּֽזְרַֽחְיָ֖ה | וּֽזְ | רַֽחְ | יָ֖ה | ||
יִֽשְׁמַֽעְיָ֖הוּ | יִֽשְׁ | מַֽעְ | יָ֖ | הוּ | |
יִֽשְׁמַֽע־נָא֙ | יִֽשְׁ | מַֽע־ | נָא֙ | ||
אֶֽסְלַֽח־לָ֔ךְ | אֶֽסְ | לַֽח־ | לָ֔ךְ | φ1 |
(In all four examples above, the first gaʿya is musical, the second phonetic.)
These “buffer could have gaʿya, no vocal shewa” words are somewhat similar to words of pattern AFR3, which have prototype מִתְבָּרְכִים (#322). They are similar since in AFR3 words, too, the buffer syllable ( בָּ ) could have gaʿya (albeit on an open syllable).
Footnote for this section:
φ1 The ketiv of אֶֽסְלַֽח־ is אסלוח. I note this merely to be thorough; it is irrelevant to the point at hand. In ITM, the ketiv/qere is presented in manuscript style: qere points on ketiv letters corresponding to unpointed qere letters.
Biblical references in this section: אִם־יִהְיֶ֞ה Is 10:22, וּֽזְרַֽחְיָ֖ה 1C 5:32, יִֽשְׁמַֽעְיָ֖הוּ 1C 27:19, יִֽשְׁמַֽע־נָא֙ 1S 26:19, אֶֽסְלַֽח־לָ֔ךְ Jer 5:7, אֶֽסְלַֽח־ Jer 5:7.
The most common use of gaʿya on a closed syllable is in words of regular structure. Words with structure which is non-regular — i.e. words that are not patterned like מִתְקַטְּלִים or its variants described above — rarely show gaʿya on a closed syllable. There are no fixed rules for the use of gaʿya on such words.
1) In some 15 cases there is a gaʿya on the fourth syllable before the stress. E.g.:
אֶֽת־כׇּל־הַמְּקֹמ֞וֹת | אֶֽת־ | כׇּל־ | הַמ | מְּקֹ | מ֞וֹת |
4 | 3 | 2 | 1 |
2) In some 200 cases there is a gaʿya on the third syllable before the stress. This occurs mainly when the accent is one of the “high” trilled disjunctives (#195). E.g., with gershayim, pazer, telisha gedolah, and zarqa:
מִֽן־הַשִּׁיח֞וֹר | מִֽן־ | הַש | שִּׁי | ח֞וֹר |
מִֽמִּשְׁפַּחְתָּ֡ם | מִֽמ | מִּשְׁ | פַּחְ | תָּ֡ם |
אֶֽת־הַ֠גָּמָ֠ל | אֶֽת־ | הַ֠ג | גָּ | מָ֠ל |
וּֽלְיִשְׁמָעֵאל֮ | וּֽלְ | יִשְׁ | מָ | עֵאל֮ |
However, gaʿya on the third syllable before the stress may occur with other disjunctives, as with tevir and pashṭa below:
וּֽלְכׇל־בָּנֶ֛יהָ | וּֽלְ | כׇל־ | בָּ | נֶ֛י | הָ |
כׇֽל־הַנָּשִׁים֙ | כׇֽל־ | הַנ | נָּ | שִׁים֙ |
And gaʿya on the third syllable before the stress may even occur with conjunctives, as with munaḥ and merka below:
אֶֽת־הַדְּבָרִ֣ים | אֶֽת־ | הַד | דְּבָ | רִ֣ים |
וּֽבְכׇל־חַיַּ֥ת | וּֽבְ | כׇל־ | חַ | יַּ֥ת |
3) In some 30 cases there is a gaʿya on the second syllable before the stress — mostly on a word with penultimate stress marked with pashṭa. E.g.:
נִֽמְצָא־קֶ֙שֶׁר֙ | נִֽמְ | צָא־ | קֶ֙ | שֶׁר֙ | |
מִֽקְרָא־קֹ֙דֶשׁ֙ | מִֽקְ | רָא־ | קֹ֙ | דֶשׁ֙ | |
וַיִּֽשְׁאֲבוּ־מַ֙יִם֙ | וַי | יִּֽשְׁ | אֲבוּ־ | מַ֙ | יִם֙ |
However, gaʿya on the second syllable before the stress also occurs with other accents. E.g.:
עַֽל־הַצּוּר֮ | עַֽל־ | הַ | צּוּר֮ | |
עַל־שְׂפַֽת־הַיָּ֖ם | עַל־ | שְׂפַֽת־ | הַ | יָּ֖ם |
עַֽם־גָּד֥וֹל | עַֽם־ | גָּ | ד֥וֹל |
This category has a number of words in which the gaʿya could be classified as phonetic (#350).
4) In some 60 cases there is a gaʿya on the syllable right before the stress. In this position gaʿya is rarely marked for musical reasons. E.g.:
וַאֲשֶֽׁר־נֶ֥גֶד | וַ | אֲשֶֽׁר־ | נֶ֥ | גֶד |
נִֽזְעֲק֔וּ | נִֽזְ | עֲק֔וּ | ||
נִֽכְנְע֔וּ | נִֽכְ | נְע֔וּ | ||
בְּשִֽׂפְמ֖וֹת | בְּשִֽׂפְ | מ֖וֹת | ||
שַֽׁלְמַ֛ן | שַֽׁלְ | מַ֛ן | ||
תַּֽדְשֵׁ֤א | תַּֽדְ | שֵׁ֤א | ||
יַֽמְשֵׁ֖נִי | יַֽמְ | שֵׁ֖ | נִי |
A gaʿya on the syllable right before the stress is usually marked for phonetic reasons (#350) and this may be the case even in some of the examples given above.
Biblical references in this section: אֶֽת־כׇּל־הַמְּקֹמ֞וֹת Dt 12:2, מִֽן־הַשִּׁיח֞וֹר Jos 13:3, מִֽמִּשְׁפַּחְתָּ֡ם Jud 18:2, אֶֽת־הַ֠גָּמָ֠ל Lev 11:4 and Dt 14:7, וּֽלְיִשְׁמָעֵאל֮ Gen 17:20, וּֽלְכׇל־בָּנֶ֛יהָ 1S 1:4, כׇֽל־הַנָּשִׁים֙ Ex 15:20, אֶֽת־הַדְּבָרִ֣ים Dt 5:22 in some editions; others have it as 5:18 or 19, וּֽבְכׇל־חַיַּ֥ת Gen 9:10, נִֽמְצָא־קֶ֙שֶׁר֙ Jer 11:9, מִֽקְרָא־קֹ֙דֶשׁ֙ Lev 23:21 and elsewhere, וַיִּֽשְׁאֲבוּ־מַ֙יִם֙ 2S 23:16 and 1C 11:18, עַֽל־הַצּוּר֮ Ex 17:6, עַל־שְׂפַֽת־הַיָּ֖ם Jos 11:4 and 1S 13:5, עַֽם־גָּד֥וֹל Dt 9:2, וַאֲשֶֽׁר־נֶ֥גֶד Ez 42:1, נִֽזְעֲק֔וּ Jud 18:22, נִֽכְנְע֔וּ 2C 30:11, בְּשִֽׂפְמ֖וֹת 1S 30:28, שַֽׁלְמַ֛ן Ho 10:14, תַּֽדְשֵׁ֤א Gen 1:11, יַֽמְשֵׁ֖נִי 2S 22:17.
This is mostly found in cases like וַיֹּ֥אמֶֽר ‖ לֹ֖א , (φ1) where it is evidently used to mark a separation between the two words greater than that indicated by the paseq. (φ2) Gaʿya is only marked in this position in early manuscripts, and is rare even there.
Footnotes for this section:
φ1 I use a double vertical bar for paseq, to distinguish it from legarmeh.
φ2 Other cases like that include וַיֹּ֣אמֶֽר ‖ לֹ֔א and וַיֹּ֥אמֶֽר ‖ לֹֽא׃ .
Biblical references in this section: וַיֹּ֥אמֶֽר ‖ לֹ֖א 1K 2:30, וַיֹּ֣אמֶֽר ‖ לֹ֔א 1K 11:22, וַיֹּ֥אמֶֽר ‖ לֹֽא׃ Jud 12:5.
This section covers gaʿya on syllables of the following types:
This is the gaʿya called “light” by Yequtiʾel ha-Naqdan, and “great” by Dotan. We refer to it as gaʿya-OSR, where OSR stands for
With some exceptions (#352, #386), the Masoretes regarded shewa after a long vowel within a word as silent (לא יצא בפה). So, in a word like קָֽטְלוּ , the syllable marked by gaʿya is, in their view, closed, not open. However, because the rules for gaʿya in this situation are similar to those for its use on an open syllable, the two situations are described together. Note, however, that two different types of syllable are involved.
We divide the main uses of gaʿya-OSR into the following three cases:
gaʿya on a syll. that is | before a letter with | e.g. | |
---|---|---|---|
i | open, full-vow. | a full vowel | אָֽנֹכִ֖י |
ii | open, full-vow. | a ḥaṭef shewa | שָֽׁאֲלָ֖ה יַֽעֲמֹ֖ד |
iii | shewa-closed, long-vow. | (any) | קָֽטְלוּ |
(A full vowel is a long or short vowel. The short vowels do not include the ultra-short vowels. I.e., they do not include vocal shewa vowels, whether notated as simple shewa or ḥaṭef shewa.)
(Above, we characterize some syllables as full-vowelled even though this is redundant, since we are using the masoretic notion of a syllable, in which all syllables are, by definition, full-vowelled, though they may start with a letter with some notation for vocal shewa.)
The use of gaʿya in these cases is not affected by the accent on the word. It occurs both with disjunctive and conjunctive accents. E.g.:
i | יֵֽאָמֵ֣ר | יֵֽ | אָ | מֵ֣ר | |
↑ | כִּֽי־בָרֵ֣ךְ | כִּֽי־ | בָ | רֵ֣ךְ | |
↑ | אָֽמַר־ל֣וֹ | אָֽ | מַר־ | ל֣וֹ | |
↑ | הַשְׁקִֽינִי־נָ֥א | הַשְׁ | קִֽי | נִי־ | נָ֥א |
ii | בַּֽעֲבוּר֙ | בַּֽ | עֲבוּר֙ | ||
↑ | כִּֽי־אֲנִ֧י | כִּֽי־ | אֲנִ֧י | ||
iii | יָֽדְךָ֙ | יָֽדְ | ךָ֙ | ||
↑ | נֵֽלְכָ֖ה | נֵֽלְ | כָ֖ה | ||
↑ | וַיֹּֽאמְר֣וּ | וַ | יֹּֽאמְ | ר֣וּ | |
↑ | כִּֽי־יְרֵ֤א | כִּֽי־יְ | רֵ֤א |
(The table above includes one syllable, כִּֽי־יְ , that, awkwardly, spans a maqqef boundary!)
Biblical references in this section: יֵֽאָמֵ֣ר Gen 22:14, כִּֽי־בָרֵ֣ךְ Gen 22:17, אָֽמַר־ל֣וֹ Gen 22:9, הַשְׁקִֽינִי־נָ֥א Gen 24:43, בַּֽעֲבוּר֙ Gen 21:30, כִּֽי־אֲנִ֧י Ez 37:14, יָֽדְךָ֙ Gen 22:12, נֵֽלְכָ֖ה Gen 22:5, וַיֹּֽאמְר֣וּ Gen 47:4, כִּֽי־יְרֵ֤א Gen 22:12.
Above we showed examples of gaʿya-OSR where the distinctive part of each example comes right before the stress syllable. (Indeed, using the masoretic notion of a syllable, the distinctive part of each example of case (ii) reaches into the ḥaṭef start of the stress syllable!) But if what comes right before the stress syllable is not a candidate for gaʿya-OSR, then gaʿya-OSR can also come earlier in the word, as shown in the table below.
i | הָֽעַמֻּדִ֛ים | הָֽ | עַמ | מֻּ | דִ֛ים | ||
↑ | מֵֽהִסְתַּפֵּ֜חַ | מֵֽ | הִסְ | תַּ | פֵּ֜ | חַ | |
↑ | מֵֽהַתַּחְתֹּנ֛וֹת | מֵֽ | הַ | תַּחְ | תֹּ | נ֛וֹת | |
↑ | שַֽׁעַר־עִירֽוֹ׃ | שַֽׁ | עַר־ | עִי | רֽוֹ׃ | ||
ii | הָֽאֲדָמָ֛ה | הָֽ | אֲדָ | מָ֛ה | |||
↑ | וְאַֽחֲרֵי־כֵן֩ | וְאַֽ | חֲרֵי־ | כֵן֩ | |||
↑ | לֹֽא־אֲדֹנִ֣י | לֹֽא־ | אֲדֹ | נִ֣י | |||
↑ | הָֽאֲחַשְׁתְּרָנִ֔ים | הָֽ | אֲחַשְׁ | תְּרָ | נִ֔ים | ||
iii | אֵֽרְדָה־נָּ֣א | אֵֽרְ | דָה־ | נָּ֣א | |||
↑ | יָֽלְדָה־לּ֥וֹ | יָֽלְ | דָה־ | לּ֥וֹ |
Two gaʿya-OSR may be marked on a word if, moving backwards from the stress syllable, we find both of the following:
i/iii | לִֽישׁוּעָֽתְךָ֖ | לִֽי | שׁוּ | עָֽתְ | ךָ֖ | ||
ii/iii | בְּהַֽעֲלֹֽתְךָ֙ | בְּהַֽ | עֲלֹֽתְ | ךָ֙ | |||
ii/i | תּֽוֹעֲבֹֽתֵיהֶֽם׃ | תּֽוֹ | עֲבֹֽ | תֵי | הֶֽם׃ | ||
i/i | הָֽאַשְׂרִֽאֵלִ֑י | הָֽ | אַשְׂ | רִֽ | אֵ | לִ֑י | |
i/ii | בְּאֹֽהֶל־יַֽעֲקֹ֣ב׀ | בְּאֹֽ | הֶל־ | יַֽ | עֲקֹ֣ב׀ | φ1 |
Two gaʿya s are often marked on the same word in printed texts, but this is rare in manuscripts.
Footnote for this section:
φ1 It is unclear from what manuscript, if any, ITM gets this pointing ( באֽהל־יֽעק֣ב׀ ). This pointing seems to be typical in the common printed texts. But, in most manuscript traditions (Tiberian, Yemenite, and Sephardic), the pointing is בְּאֹ֥הֶל יַעֲקֹ֣ב׀ ( בא֥הל יעק֣ב׀ ). Thanks to Avi Kadish for research on this issue.
Biblical references in this section: הָֽעַמֻּדִ֛ים Ex 27:10 and Ex 27:11, מֵֽהִסְתַּפֵּ֜חַ 1S 26:19, מֵֽהַתַּחְתֹּנ֛וֹת Ez 42:5, שַֽׁעַר־עִירֽוֹ׃ Gen 23:18, הָֽאֲדָמָ֛ה Gen 9:2, וְאַֽחֲרֵי־כֵן֩ Gen 23:19, לֹֽא־אֲדֹנִ֣י Gen 23:11, הָֽאֲחַשְׁתְּרָנִ֔ים Est 8:10, אֵֽרְדָה־נָּ֣א Gen 18:21, יָֽלְדָה־לּ֥וֹ Gen 21:3, לִֽישׁוּעָֽתְךָ֖ Gen 49:18, בְּהַֽעֲלֹֽתְךָ֙ Nu 8:2, תּֽוֹעֲבֹֽתֵיהֶֽם׃ Ez 6:9, הָֽאַשְׂרִֽאֵלִ֑י Nu 26:31, בְּאֹֽהֶל־יַֽעֲקֹ֣ב׀ Gen 31:33.
If two adjacent syllables are both candidates for gaʿya-OSR, the one closer to the stress is usually chosen. E.g.:
וִיהֽוֹנָתָן֙ | וִי | הֽוֹ | נָ | תָן֙ |
מֵאַֽחֲרָ֑י | מֵ | אַֽ | חֲרָ֑י | |
וְאוֹרִֽדְךָ֖ | וְאוֹ | רִֽדְ | ךָ֖ | |
גְדוֹלָֽה־מְאֹ֖ד | גְדוֹ | לָֽה־מְ | אֹ֖ד |
(The table above includes one syllable, לָֽה־מְ , that, awkwardly, spans a maqqef boundary!)
This preference for the closer candidate is used in printed texts, and in some manuscripts, such as μA. In some other manuscripts, however, the candidate farther from the stress is preferred, either consistently or sporadically. E.g.:
μL | לִֽיהוֹשָׁפָט֙ | cf. μA לִיהֽוֹשָׁפָט֙ |
μC | הָֽרֹצְצ֖וֹת | |
μC | הָֽאֹמְרֹ֥ת | |
μB | הֵֽרָאֹת֛וֹ |
We have also seen an example in #327 in which the candidate farther from the stress is chosen:
מֵֽהַתַּחְתֹּנ֛וֹת | מֵֽ | הַ | תַּחְ | תֹּ | נ֛וֹת |
If the candidate farther from the stress is on a word with maqqef, and so preserves something of the original main stress of that word, then this farther candidate is given preference over the nearer one in the manuscripts. E.g.:
כִּֽי־מָכְר֤וּ |
לֹֽא־תַעֲבֹ֨ר |
בְנֵֽי־יַעֲקֹ֖ב |
כִּֽי־יֵהָפֵ֤ךְ |
הֽוּא־הָעֹבֵ֤ר |
There are a few exceptions to this rule in the manuscripts, but not many. However, printed texts still give preference to the gaʿya nearer the stress. E.g. in such texts the first example above would be pointed כִּי־מָֽכְר֤וּ .
Biblical references in this section: וִיהֽוֹנָתָן֙ 1S 19:1, מֵאַֽחֲרָ֑י 2S 2:22, וְאוֹרִֽדְךָ֖ 1S 30:15, גְדוֹלָֽה־מְאֹ֖ד Jos 10:20, לִֽיהוֹשָׁפָט֙ 2C 20:2, הָֽרֹצְצ֖וֹת Amos 4:1, הֵֽרָאֹת֛וֹ Lev 13:7, מֵֽהַתַּחְתֹּנ֛וֹת Ez 42:5, כִּֽי־מָכְר֤וּ Gen 47:20, לֹֽא־תַעֲבֹ֨ר Gen 31:52, בְנֵֽי־יַעֲקֹ֖ב Gen 35:22, כִּֽי־יֵהָפֵ֤ךְ Is 60:5, הֽוּא־הָעֹבֵ֤ר Dt 9:3, כִּי־מָֽכְר֤וּ Gen 47:20.
As a general rule, gaʿya is only marked on an open syllable if there is some sort of buffer (a full vowel or a ḥaṭef ) between the open syllable and the stress syllable. But occasionally in the manuscripts, gaʿya is marked even without such a buffer. E.g.:
μB | וַיִּֽירָֽאוּ׃ | וַי | יִּֽי | רָֽ | אוּ׃ |
μL | דָּֽמִי֙ | דָּֽ | מִי֙ |
This occurs mostly in cases where two words are joined by maqqef. E.g.:
μA, μL | כִּֽי־אֵ֛שׁ |
μA | עַל־פְּרִֽי־גֹ֙דֶל֙ |
μA | אַנְשֵֽׁי־חַ֙יִל֙ |
μB | כִּֽי־פִ֖י |
μB | הָבֵֽא־נָ֤א |
μL20 and some other manuscripts use gaʿya in this position quite often in the same word as the accent, especially if the accent is pashṭa. E.g.:
לַֽחֶ֙רֶב֙ |
הַבָּֽאִים֙ |
Some manuscripts with expanded Tiberian pointing also use gaʿya in these positions quite often. E.g., in Vatican manuscript Urbino 2: (φ1)
בִּשְׁלֹֽשִׁ֣ים |
הָֽיֹ֣ה הָֽיָ֣ה |
Gaʿya is not used in these situations in printed texts.
Footnote for this section:
φ1 In ITM, many rafe signs are used in these examples. The font I am using does not support rafe well, so I have not included these marks. Luckily, these marks are irrelevant to the issue at hand. All that is lost is some of the “feel” of the manuscript in question.
Biblical references in this section: וַיִּֽירָֽאוּ׃ Gen 42:35, דָּֽמִי֙ 1S 26:20, כִּֽי־אֵ֛שׁ Jer 17:4, עַל־פְּרִֽי־גֹ֙דֶל֙ Is 10:12, אַנְשֵֽׁי־חַ֙יִל֙ Naḥ 2:4, כִּֽי־פִ֖י Gen 45:12, הָבֵֽא־נָ֤א Ex 4:6, לַֽחֶ֙רֶב֙ Jer 15:2, הַבָּֽאִים֙ Jer 26:2, בִּשְׁלֹֽשִׁ֣ים Ez 1:1, הָֽיֹ֣ה הָֽיָ֣ה Ez 1:3.
The use of gaʿya on an open syllable is not described in the masoretic literature or in other early sources, and there are only scattered references to this gaʿya. The Diqduqe ha-Ṭeʿamim (Baer-Strack 1879, #32) says:
י(י)ראו | meaning “fear” | has gaʿya as | וַיִּֽירְא֥וּ |
יראו | meaning “see” | has no gaʿya as | וַיִּרְא֥וּ |
The Horayat ha-Qore p. 90 (Dérenbourg, 1870, p. 398) says:
Gaʿya sometimes distinguishes meaning, as in the rule “forms from ירא have gaʿya, forms from ראה do not” and as in תִּשְׁנ֕וּ which means “do again” (שנה) and יִֽ֭שְׁנוּ which means “sleep” (ישן).
Yequtiʾel ha-Naqdan was the first to draw up rules for the use of this gaʿya, and he has been followed by later scholars.
Biblical references in this section: וַיִּֽירְא֥וּ Gen 20:8, וַיִּרְא֥וּ Nu 17:24, תִּשְׁנ֕וּ Neḥ 13:21, יִֽ֭שְׁנוּ Prov 4:16.
Gaʿya-OSR is the most common category of gaʿya in the Bible, and occurs in thousands of words. In the early manuscripts, this gaʿya is not marked on all the words where it could be, but only on some of them, and in some manuscripts it is marked more commonly than in others. It seems probable that it was not considered important to mark it — possibly because it made less difference to the pronunciation of the word than did gaʿya on a closed syllable.
In μA, this gaʿya is most commonly marked on words with pashṭa or zaqef, less commonly on words with other disjunctives, and only rarely on words with conjunctives. It is marked in about 30% of the possible cases.
In μL and μS it is marked in about 40% of the possible cases. In μB and μS1 it is marked in about 20% of the possible cases. In μC this gaʿya is marked much more commonly — in about 75% of the possible cases.
The other early manuscripts mark this gaʿya in varying proportions of the possible cases. It is not always true that earlier manuscripts mark it less, as is shown by μB and μC, which are roughly contemporary. It is, however, generally true that later manuscripts mark this gaʿya more commonly, and the printed texts mark gaʿya on an open syllable regularly on every syllable suitable for it.
A special case of gaʿya on an open syllable is after the stress. Gaʿya may be marked on an open syllable after penultimate stress if the next word has initial stress. Here are some examples where that initial stress is plain, where by “plain” we mean that it does not include a vocal shewa:
עֲבָדֶ֥יךָֽ | אֵ֛לֶּה |
עָשִׂ֤יתָֽה | חֶ֙סֶד֙ |
עָ֤לָֽה | מָ֙וֶת֙ |
ס֤וּרֽוּ | ס֙וּרוּ֙ |
הוּחַ֤דָּֽה | חֶ֙רֶב֙ |
גִּבּ֤וֹרֵֽי | חַ֙יִל֙ |
הֵילִ֤ילִֽי | שַׁ֙עַר֙ |
This plain type of this gaʿya is rare. It is most common in early manuscripts, but even there it occurs only in scattered places.
This gaʿya occurs more often where the stress syllable of the next word includes a vocal shewa. E.g.:
פַּדֶּ֣נָֽה | אֲרָ֔ם | |
וַיֵּנִקֵ֤הֽוּ | דְבַשׁ֙ | |
(2× in this verse) | לְמַ֨עְלָֽה | לְמַ֜עְלָה |
בֹּ֤שְׁנֽוּ | מְאֹד֙ |
(As usual, the vocal shewa may be notated either as a simple shewa or as a ḥaṭef shewa.)
Like the plain type of this gaʿya, the shewa type is most common in early manuscripts, and is not marked in printed texts.
Biblical references in this section: עֲבָדֶ֥יךָֽ 2K 1:13, עָשִׂ֤יתָֽה 1S 15:6, עָ֤לָֽה Jer 9:20, ס֤וּרֽוּ Is 52:11, הוּחַ֤דָּֽה Ez 21:16, גִּבּ֤וֹרֵֽי 1C 12:26, הֵילִ֤ילִֽי Is 14:31, פַּדֶּ֣נָֽה Gen 28:2 and elsewhere, וַיֵּנִקֵ֤הֽוּ Dt 32:13, לְמַ֨עְלָֽה Ez 41:7, בֹּ֤שְׁנֽוּ Jer 9:18.
Gaʿya marked with either simple shewa or ḥaṭef shewa at the start of a word indicates (as gaʿya always does) that the syllable must be slowed or lengthened. Consequently that shewa becomes a vowel — probably equivalent to an ordinary short vowel. This gaʿya is rare in the twenty one books (only some 200 cases occur) but it is common in the three books. This is a musical gaʿya, but it is often used before a guttural, which suggests that there may be phonetic reasons for its use. The system of marking it is similar to that for gaʿya on a closed syllable, but there are no firm rules for its use.
This gaʿya is marked on the second, third, or fourth syllable before the stress. It is usually used with “high” accents (#195), as we see in the examples below, with gershayim, pazer (φ1), telisha, and zarqa.
וְֽאֶת־כׇּל־הַשָּׂרִ֞ים |
וְֽאֶת־פַּתְרֻסִ֞ים |
כְּֽהוֹצִיאָ֞ם |
וְֽכׇל־צוּרֹתָ֡ו |
כְּֽכׇל־הַ֠דָּבָ֠ר |
וְֽאֶת־הַצְּמִדִים֮ |
וְֽיָדַעְתָּ֮ |
It also occasionally occurs with other accents as
אֲֽשֶׁר־לַצֵּלָ֛ע |
בְֽיַד־אִשָּׁ֔ה |
אֲֽשֶׁר־לַדְּבִ֖יר |
(In the last example above, אֲֽשֶׁר־לַדְּבִ֖יר , we see that gaʿya with shewa is given preference over gaʿya on a closed syllable in a word with regular structure.)
Gaʿya is also used on shewa before the vowel of the syllable right before the stress syllable. This occurs mostly on words with zaqef. E.g.:
וְֽנָאוָ֔ה |
וְֽרָאִ֔יתָ וְֽקָרָ֔אתָ |
שְֽׂאוּ־נֵ֔ס |
This does occasionally occur with other accents as
צְֽאִי־לָ֞ךְ |
וְֽ֠עֵינֶ֠יךָ |
Footnote for this section:
φ1 I include only one of the two pazer examples provided by ITM. The example I exclude is וּֽבַבָּקָ֡ר. I exclude it because it doesn’t seem fit the pattern being discussed, since it starts with gaʿya on וּ (shureq) not וְ (waw with simple shewa).
Biblical references in this section: וְֽאֶת־כׇּל־הַשָּׂרִ֞ים 2K 24:14, וְֽאֶת־פַּתְרֻסִ֞ים Gen 10:14 and 1C 1:12, כְּֽהוֹצִיאָ֞ם Jos 10:24, וְֽכׇל־צוּרֹתָ֡ו Ez 43:11, כְּֽכׇל־הַ֠דָּבָ֠ר Jer 42:5, וְֽאֶת־הַצְּמִדִים֮ Gen 24:30, וְֽיָדַעְתָּ֮ Ez 35:12, אֲֽשֶׁר־לַצֵּלָ֛ע Ez 41:9, בְֽיַד־אִשָּׁ֔ה Jud 4:9, אֲֽשֶׁר־לַדְּבִ֖יר 1K 6:22, וְֽנָאוָ֔ה Song 1:5, וְֽרָאִ֔יתָ וְֽקָרָ֔אתָ Jer 51:61, שְֽׂאוּ־נֵ֔ס Is 13:2, צְֽאִי־לָ֞ךְ Song 1:8, וְֽ֠עֵינֶ֠יךָ Jer 34:3, וּֽבַבָּקָ֡ר 1C 12:41.
A special category of words which take gaʿya with shewa is formed by words of structure similar to the regular structure of words suitable for gaʿya on a closed syllable but which have a letter with shewa in place of the initial closed syllable, as מְקַטְּלִים and מְפַלְפְּלִים (like מִתְקַטְּלִים and מִתְפַּלְפְּלִים see #319). E.g.:
כְּֽשׇׁמְעֲךָ֞ |
תְּֽשַׁלְּח֡וּ |
also מְפַעֲלִים (like מִתְפַּעֲלִים)
לְֽהַעֲל֞וֹת |
וְֽהֶחֱזִ֡יקוּ |
בְּֽמַעֲלֵה֮ |
יְֽדַעֲנ֖וּךָ |
תְּֽתַעֲבֶ֖נּוּ |
לְֽבוֹא־חֲמָ֡ת |
This gaʿya may also occur in forms like מְבָרְכִים (like מִתְבָּרְכִים which has regular structure, but not fully regular, see #322) as
וְֽהָ֨יְתָ֜ה |
וְֽיֹאמְר֞וּ |
וְֽהָלְכ֡וּ |
וְֽנָסְבָה֩ |
Biblical references in this section: כְּֽשׇׁמְעֲךָ֞ 2S 5:24 and 1C 14:15, תְּֽשַׁלְּח֡וּ Jer 34:14, לְֽהַעֲל֞וֹת 1K 8:1 and elsewhere, וְֽהֶחֱזִ֡יקוּ Zech 8:23, בְּֽמַעֲלֵה֮ 2C 32:33, יְֽדַעֲנ֖וּךָ Ho 8:2, תְּֽתַעֲבֶ֖נּוּ Dt 7:26, לְֽבוֹא־חֲמָ֡ת Ez 48:1, וְֽהָ֨יְתָ֜ה Is 28:4 and elsewhere, וְֽיֹאמְר֞וּ Joel 2:17, וְֽהָלְכ֡וּ Zech 8:21, וְֽנָסְבָה֩ Ez 41:7.
The above describes gaʿya with shewa in words with disjunctive accents. This gaʿya also occurs occasionally in words with conjunctives, especially unusual combinations of conjunctives. E.g.:
אא֨א אא֜א וְֽדָרַשְׁתִּ֧י אא֣א אא֗א |
where darga follows geresh, and is the second servus before revia, or
אֲֽשֶׁר־ה֥וּא אא֣א׀ |
on a word (which is long and starts with shewa) which has merka as a servus to legarmeh.
Occasionally gaʿya with shewa is used in words with other conjunctives, as with
הֲֽמִבְּלִ֤י | mehuppak |
וְֽחַלַּ֨ת | azla |
In the three poetic books there are a few cases of gaʿya with shewa within a word. E.g.:
אַ֥שְֽׁרֵי |
וֶ֥אֱֽמוּנָתִ֣י |
יַ֥חְפְּֽשׂוּ |
Biblical references in this section: אא֨א אא֜א וְֽדָרַשְׁתִּ֧י אא֣א אא֗א Ez 34:10, אֲֽשֶׁר־ה֥וּא אא֣א׀ 2K 25:19, הֲֽמִבְּלִ֤י Ex 14:11 and elsewhere, וְֽחַלַּ֨ת Ex 29:23 and elsewhere, אַ֥שְֽׁרֵי Ps 1:1, וֶ֥אֱֽמוּנָתִ֣י Ps 89:25, יַ֥חְפְּֽשׂוּ Ps 64:7.
Gaʿya with shewa is regularly marked in early manuscripts. But the rules for it are described neither in early sources, nor even by Yequtiʾel ha-Naqdan. Heidenheim and Baer were the first to establish these rules. The pronunciation of shewa with gaʿya is described in the masoretic literature (as in the Diqduqe ha-Ṭeʿamim (Baer-Strack 1879, #11) — see also Morag, 1963, p. 160 ff.). They state that:
A shewa at the start of a word was generally pronounced as a small (short) pataḥ (פתחה קטנה). | But, when it was marked with gaʿya, it was pronounced like a full-length pataḥ (בפתחה גדולה תצא). |
A shewa before a guttural was pronounced as a short vowel of the same quality as the vowel after the guttural. | But, when it was marked with gaʿya, it was pronounced like a full-length vowel of that quality. Thus, for example, בְּֽהֹנוֹת֩ would be pronounced with three full-length ḥolem sounds. |
A shewa at the start of a word before a yod was pronounced as a short ḥireq. | But, when it was marked with gaʿya, it was pronounced like a full-length ḥireq. |
Biblical reference in this section: בְּֽהֹנוֹת֩ Jud 1:7.
Gaʿya on a shewa-closed, long-vowelled syllable is covered in #326. Gaʿya may also be marked on a maqqef-closed, long-vowelled syllable. (By “maqqef-closed” we mean having, before a maqqef, what is referred to in #376 as a potential shewa.)
Gaʿya on a maqqef-closed, long-vowelled syllable can occur before either a disjunctive or a conjunctive accent.
This gaʿya is marked regularly in most printed texts, but in manuscripts it is usually marked only if the candidate syllable comes right before the stress syllable. E.g.:
אֵֽין־ל֗וֹ |
גָֽר־שָֽׁם׃ |
בֵּֽית־אֵ֖ל |
רֽוּץ־נָ֣א |
If the candidate syllable is the second before the stress, gaʿya is usually not marked. E.g.:
שֵׁם־יוֹסֵף֮ |
סוּר־מִמֶּ֖נּוּ |
בֵּית־דָּג֥וֹן |
בְּרִית־יְהֹוָה֙ |
If the candidate syllable is the third before the stress, gaʿya is more likely to be marked. E.g.:
אִֽישׁ־יִשְׂרָאֵ֖ל |
קְצִֽיר־הַשְּׂעֹרִ֖ים |
שֵֽׁם־הַמָּק֥וֹם |
In general the use of this gaʿya in the early manuscripts is more regular than the use of gaʿya on an open syllable, but less regular than the use of gaʿya on a closed syllable of the regular type. However, the regularity varies from manuscript to manuscript.
Biblical references in this section: אֵֽין־ל֗וֹ Ho 8:7, גָֽר־שָֽׁם׃ Jud 17:7, בֵּֽית־אֵ֖ל Jos 12:16, רֽוּץ־נָ֣א 2K 4:26, שֵׁם־יוֹסֵף֮ Gen 41:45, סוּר־מִמֶּ֖נּוּ Jos 23:6, בֵּית־דָּג֥וֹן Jos 15:41, בְּרִית־יְהֹוָה֙ Jos 3:3, אִֽישׁ־יִשְׂרָאֵ֖ל Jos 9:7, קְצִֽיר־הַשְּׂעֹרִ֖ים Rut 2:23, שֵֽׁם־הַמָּק֥וֹם Jud 2:5 and elsewhere.
Where a word ending in a closed syllable pointed with ṣere has its stress retracted, and the ṣere remains, it is marked by gaʿya (#308, 1c). E.g.:
וַיָּ֣צֵֽץ צִ֔יץ |
עֹ֣רֵֽף כֶּ֔לֶב |
מְבָ֣רֵֽךְ אָ֑וֶן |
נָ֣בֵֽל צִ֔יץ |
נָ֣בֵֽל צִ֑יץ |
This gaʿya is marked both in manuscripts and in printed texts.
Biblical references in this section: וַיָּ֣צֵֽץ צִ֔יץ Nu 17:23, עֹ֣רֵֽף כֶּ֔לֶב Is 66:3, מְבָ֣רֵֽךְ אָ֑וֶן Is 66:3, נָ֣בֵֽל צִ֔יץ Is 40:7, נָ֣בֵֽל צִ֑יץ Is 40:8.
In early manuscripts, such as μA, μL, μC, two gaʿya s are only rarely marked on the same chanted word (simple word or maqqef compound). Where a chanted word could have more than one gaʿya, only one of them is generally marked. E.g., in the following two words, gaʿya is marked on the initial shewa but not on the open syllable that follows it:
בְּֽנוֹתֵיכֶ֞ם |
אֲֽרַחֲמֶ֖נּוּ |
In כׇּֽל־הַמַּחֲלָ֞ה , gaʿya is marked on the initial closed syllable, despite the fact that, given the word’s regular structure, we would expect gaʿya to marked on the closed syllable starting with he.
Conversely, in μA in וְאֶת־הַֽמִּזְבְּח֡וֹת , gaʿya is marked on the closed syllable we would expect, given the word’s regular structure. Gaʿya is not marked on the following two other candidate locations:
(Gaʿya is marked on the initial shewa by bN.)
Biblical references in this section: בְּֽנוֹתֵיכֶ֞ם Ezra 9:12, אֲֽרַחֲמֶ֖נּוּ Jer 31:20 in some editions; others have it as 31:19, כׇּֽל־הַמַּחֲלָ֞ה Ex 15:26, וְאֶת־הַֽמִּזְבְּח֡וֹת 2K 23:12.
The choice of which of two or more gaʿya candidates should be marked on a word is determined by certain general principles, although these are affected by many detailed considerations which cannot be described here. The basic principle is that gaʿya on a closed syllable is preferred over gaʿya-OSR. E.g.:
וַֽיַּעֲל֗וּ |
הַֽמַּאֲכֶ֙לֶת֙ |
Here gaʿya is marked on the initial closed syllable (of the regular type), but gaʿya is not marked on the open syllable that follows it (the syllable before the ḥaṭef ). So also
אֶֽל־הָאֲדָמָ֣ה׀ |
כׇּֽל־נְשִׂיאֵיהֶ֡ם |
Here gaʿya is marked on the initial closed syllable of non-regular type, but gaʿya is not marked on the open syllable that follows it. This general principle is common to all the early manuscripts.
On the problem of preference in words which could have more than one gaʿya-OSR, see #328.
Biblical references in this section: וַֽיַּעֲל֗וּ Jud 18:12, הַֽמַּאֲכֶ֙לֶת֙ Jud 19:29, אֶֽל־הָאֲדָמָ֣ה׀ Dt 31:20, כׇּֽל־נְשִׂיאֵיהֶ֡ם Nu 17:21.
Consider a word which has both of the following candidate locations for gaʿya:
The general rule in such a case is that if the closed syllable comes right before the stress syllable, gaʿya is marked on it. E.g.:
הַעֽוֹד־לִ֤י |
לָנֽוּד־ל֖וֹ |
However, if this is not the case, the gaʿya on the open syllable is preferred. E.g.:
הָֽעָם־הַזֶּ֖ה | ||
הַמְּלָֽכִים־הָ֠אֵ֠לֶּה | ||
גּֽוֹיִם־רַבִּ֣ים ‖ אא֡א | φ1 | φ2 |
Footnotes for this section:
φ1 I use a double vertical bar for paseq, to distinguish it from legarmeh.
φ2 In גּֽוֹיִם־ , why is ḥireq without a yod vowel letter (mater lectionis) considered a long vowel?
Biblical references in this section: הַעֽוֹד־לִ֤י Rut 1:11, לָנֽוּד־ל֖וֹ Job 2:11, הָֽעָם־הַזֶּ֖ה Is 8:11 and elsewhere, הַמְּלָֽכִים־הָ֠אֵ֠לֶּה Jos 11:12, גּֽוֹיִם־רַבִּ֣ים ‖ אא֡א Dt 7:1.
In early manuscripts, gaʿya on a closed syllable of regular or non-regular type, and gaʿya with shewa, are usually carefully and accurately marked. In some manuscripts this is also the case with gaʿya on a maqqef-closed, long-vowelled syllable. Manuscripts following this system show the following characteristics:
These characteristics show the importance to the Masoretes of gaʿya in these categories, as opposed to gaʿya-OSR. The lesser importance of gaʿya-OSR is also shown by the fact that
In later manuscripts and in printed texts, a different system of marking gaʿya is used. In printed texts, gaʿya-OSR is generally consistently and systematically marked, but gaʿya on a closed syllable is marked only sporadically, or not at all.
This difference is reflected in the system of preference for marking gaʿya. If a word could have gaʿya both on a closed syllable and on an open syllable, that on the open syllable is marked in printed text, as וַיַּֽעֲמֹ֖ד whereas that on the closed syllable would be marked in early manuscripts, i.e. וַֽיַּעֲמֹ֖ד .
In a number of scholarly editions, such as those of Baer, Heidenheim, Qoren (Koren), and others, gaʿya is marked as completely as possible, so that both gaʿya s are marked in a word like וַֽיַּֽעֲמֹ֖ד . Similar usage is found in a number of manuscripts, as noted by Eliahu ha-Levi in his Ṭuv Ṭaʿam chapter 7:
When there is dagesh in the second letter of a word, and this letter is followed by א, ה, ח, or ע pointed with ḥaṭef pataḥ, then that word has two metheg s: one on the first letter (the principal metheg) and one on the letter before the guttural — but only if the word has a disjunctive accent, as וַֽיַּֽעֲמֹד and וַֽיַּֽעֲבֹד .
Biblical reference in this section: וַיַּֽעֲמֹ֖ד Ex 14:19.